征服欧洲英语

希特勒：《征服欧洲》 3.一九四一年希特勒发表了一篇《征服欧洲》的文章，那是在德军打垮法军，攻占了比利时和荷兰，英国远征军也被驱逐出欧洲大陆之后。演说全文如下： 4.去年的五月十日，也许是德国历史上最值得记忆的战争开始了。我们在数天之内就击溃了敌人的前锋，然后揭开了世界上最大歼灭战的序幕。法国垮了，比利时和荷兰已被攻占了，英国的远征军残部已被驱逐出欧洲大陆，拖兵曳甲，落荒而逃。 5.一九四零年七月十九日，相信你们大家都还记得，我为了再扩大战果。三度说服国会。我利用这次会议的机会代表全国军民对三军将士辉煌的战果致以感谢之意。 6.我也一再地伺机督促全世界建立和平。我的远见和预感不辛言中了，我的和平建议被误解，敌人以为我的和平跟畏缩懦怯并无两样。 7.欧洲和美国的好战份子，一再蛊惑大众的心灵，他们明知道没有胜利的契机，偏偏给他们民众一些会像肥皂泡沫一样破碎的新希望。然后，大众的压力，加上报社的鼓吹，那些好战份子自会一再没发引诱他们的国家作困兽之斗。 8.我警告他们说，我们会在人口密集的地区实施夜间爆炸，丘吉尔还把我的警告当作是德国无能的标记。这位历史上最出名的嗜血狂和业余战略家，还认为德国空军数月来不轻易露面，便是我们无法在夜间飞行的证明呢？ 9.所以丘吉尔这个糟老头子就一连好几个月欺蒙英国人民相信单单皇家空军——再也不需要其他的帮手——就可以打赢战争，他们还“发明”数种手段和方法要迫使我们帝国臣服，他们要美国空军毫不留情猛炸人口稠密的地区，并采取饥饿战术。 10.我虽然一再地警告他们，我会采取这项别开生面的空战，我一连三个月都在警告他们。可是这些警告被丘吉尔当作耳边风。奇怪？这个人怎么不爱惜别人的生命呢？他只顾那些文化和建筑？ 11.记得战争爆发时，丘吉尔就很明白地声称他要独行其事的作战，即使英国各大城市可能会变成一堆碎瓦残砾也在所不惜。所以他现在更变本加厉了。 12.我保证，当我所定的期限到时，他若给我们一个炸弹，必要时我会以一百个炸弹还击他们，可是仍无法使他了解他的行为是人神共诛的。他声称他绝不沮丧，他甚至向我们保证，不管我们如何猛烈轰炸，英国人民仍会把他列阵欢送回伦敦。 13.很可能就是这副欢送的景象加强了丘吉尔继续作战的决心，我们也决意继续回敬他们，也就是说，若有必要的话，将以一百个炸弹回敬他投来的一个炸弹，这样不断地爆炸，直到英国人民啐弃他的罪行和他的毒辣为止。 14.这个傻瓜他居然要求德国人民起来背叛我，这可证明他们如不是患了麻风病就是一群醉汉在疯言疯语。由于他的心智不正常，才会决定使巴尔干成为战争的舞台。 15.这个傻瓜最近五年以来，一直像疯子一样在欧洲跑跑跳跳，希望能找到可以放火的机会。很不幸的是，他却一再发现各国的吸血鬼都已在他们的国内放起火来了。 16.他去年冬季乱开空头支票，撒大谎，使美国民众信以为真地认为，凭德意志帝国在过去数个月的战争中不堪虚耗，现在已经奄奄一息，他也知道纸包不住火，所以他有必要在欧洲再撒一把战火。 17.他这个计划早在一九三九年秋和一九四零年春季就有腹案了。当时，英国的情势使他可动员一百个师左右。可是去年的五月和六月，我们目睹英军突然地严重溃败，使他这个计划胎死腹中。可是在去年的秋天，丘吉尔又想开始解决这个问题了。 18.由于义军坦克和反坦克武器处于明显的优势，使得北非战局逆转，丘吉尔相信现在是最好的时候了，他可以把战争的舞台从利比亚转移到希腊了。他下令运输剩余的坦克和主要由澳大利亚和新西兰兵员组成的残剩的步兵师，他自以为现在可以实现他的阴谋了，他可以使巴尔干半岛烽火燎原了。 19.因此，这也是丘吉尔在这次战争中所犯的最大战略错误。我一摸透英国不打算在巴尔干半岛夺取据点后，更采取了必要的步骤。 20.德国对这位假绅士的诡计是一阵愈加亦步亦趋，并纠集了必要的武力来打击他。德国没有意识要在巴尔干半岛开火。相反的，我们尽可能采用公平的方法，以期与希腊解决纠纷，当然，这些方法也是符合于意大利立法的希望。 21.意大利领袖不仅同意而且全力支持我们，努力使南斯拉夫签定符合我们和平目标的双边协定。最后，南斯拉夫政府同意加入三霸权公约，南斯拉夫不需负什么义务，只要供我们借道就够了。 22.所以，今年三月二十六日，我们在维也纳签约，保证南斯拉夫在未来不会被外力干涉，并保证了巴尔干半岛的和平。先生们，您们相不相信我那天离开美丽的多瑙河城市时居然充满了快乐，不仅因为他是八年外交政策的结晶，也因为我相信从这一刻起，德国也许不必再插足于巴尔干半岛了。 23.我们都被执政团传来的消息吓呆了，这份消息乃是有一群被收买的叛逆擅自反判，也使得那位英国首相用兴奋的证据说他第一次有好消息可以宣告全英国。 24.先生们，我确信您们都会了解，我一听到这份消息时，我立刻下令攻击南斯拉夫。德意志帝国绝不容许花费几年，签定了对别国政党有益的和约，却在一夕之间发现片面被毁，而且他们还侮辱了我们德意志帝国的大使，威吓了随行的军事官员，伤害了官员官邸的助理，而且还损坏了德国人的财物，把德国人民的住家夷为平地，并用恐吓来虐待无数的德国人。 25.上帝知道我是爱好和平的。但是感谢上帝，它赐给我可随意使用的手段来保卫德国的利益。我在当时很沉稳地下定了决心。因为我知道我是以保加利亚对我国永不动摇的忠诚来效忠德国，并发挥了匈牙利知道此事后的愤慨。 26.这场战役的结果很是特别。由贝尔格勒一小撮硬派份子更能造成洲际不安的这一事实看来，我们立刻铲除这个危险，有就是消除了会造成全欧洲紧张关系的祸源之一。 27.我们已加强防护多瑙河这条重要的水道，以防备更多的人破坏，交通也已完全畅通了。 28.除了适度修补由于世界大战爆发而受侵犯的前线外，德国对这些地方并不作非分的贪求。在政治方面，我们只不过有志于防护这个区域的和平，而在经济方面，我们希望能看到社会秩序的恢复，以便能补造产品并货畅其流，对大家都有利。 29.然而，这些利用除了要符合最高的公正外，还须考虑人种学，历史或经济的情况。 30.我可以向您们保证，我对我们的未来处之泰然，也极具信心。德意志帝国和他的盟国，不论在力量，军事，经济，尤其是道德方面，都比世界上任何联邦来的好。德国军队，只要有必要，不论何时都不惧怕挑战。德国人的信心应永远陪伴着他们的战士！

“一切安好”用英语可写为：Everything is good.一、“一切安好”的其他表示方法：1、All good in the hood.2、 All is well.3、Everything is sound.二、“一切安好”的用法：安：平安。好：美好。多指工作生活顺利。该句一般两种用法：1、作为一般陈述句时，多用于向别人陈述自己状况。2、作为疑问句时候（后门为问号），多为表述你对他人的关心问候。

诺曼人即北方人的意思北欧斯堪的纳维亚半岛上住着维京人（斯维亚人一支是瑞典人的祖先），公元四，五世纪由于人口增长而产生了土地资源不足等问题。从八世纪开始维京人开始侵袭欧洲大陆，其中瑞典人侵袭斯拉夫诸部，建立诺夫哥罗德；挪威人入侵爱尔兰和法国塞纳河流域，西西里岛等地，丹麦人侵袭英格兰和苏格兰。维京人一支诺曼人在法国西北部侵占大量领土，因法国国王无力驱逐，在911年将维京人占领的土地封分给其首领，该地便称作“诺曼底”，即诺曼人的领地，此后诺曼底受法国政治经济文化影响开始封建化过程，到十一世纪中期已成为一个强盛的公国1066年法国大封建主诺曼底公爵威廉趁英国发生内乱渡海入侵英格兰，在黑斯廷斯与盎格鲁萨克森国王哈罗德发生激战，由于哈罗德刚从与丹麦人的战争中回来无力对抗威廉，威廉最终取得胜利，建立了诺曼王朝，威廉即成为英国历史上有名的征服者威廉Wamllion the Conquer。这次征服对英国历史影响重大：它是英国历史上最后一次外族入侵，此后近一千年在没有人能成功侵占不列颠岛(拿破仑没能占领英国，二战时德国也没法占领）诺曼征服加速了英国的封建化过程，威廉在英国加强中央集权过程，形成了不同于欧洲大陆的封君封臣制，即封臣的封臣还是封臣，从而控制了许多中小贵族。1086年威廉调查人口财产地产等状况，编制成所谓的“末日审判书”此外，诺曼征服还给英国带来了欧洲大陆先进的文化。法国的宫廷礼节开始流行于英国上层社会。贵族们以讲法语为荣，而普通百姓仍讲英语。大量法语词汇渗入英语，直到十四世纪中期，法语一直作为英国的官方用语

爵位一般以占有土地的多少来确定分封爵衔之高低，主要可分为公爵、侯爵、伯爵、子爵、男爵这五等。

1、公爵：Duke（Duchess）

在贵族中，公爵是第一等级，地位最高。在英国，公爵最初是由十四世纪的英王爱德华三世分封的，被封这公爵的全是王室成员。十五世纪后才打破这惯例，少数非王室人员也被封为公爵。

2、侯爵：Marquess（Marchioness）

查理大帝在位时，侯爵是具有特别全权的边区长官，查理曼帝国分裂后，变成了独立的大封建领主。封建王权加强后，侯爵成为公爵与伯爵之间的爵衔，其地位与其他伯爵相等，十到十四世纪后，才确认侯爵的地位在伯上之上。

3、伯爵：Earl（Countess）

在罗马帝国时，伯爵是皇帝的侍从，掌管军、民、财政大权，有时也出任地方官吏。封建制度强化后，伯爵可割据一方，成为世袭的大封建领主。后来，其地位渐次低落，介于侯爵与子爵之间，为贵族的第三等级。

4、子爵：Viscount（Viscountess）

子爵原系法兰克王国的国家官吏名，最早是由国王查理曼于八世纪时封的，后来传到欧洲其他大陆国家。起初，子爵是伯爵的副手，后来独立存在，也可世袭。

5、男爵：Baron（Baroness）

在英语中，Baron一词，是诺曼人在征服欧洲大陆时引进来的，本义为‘只不过是普通的人‘，后来演变为‘强有力的人‘。在十一至十二世纪时，男爵是欧洲君主国国王或大封建主的直接附庸。到了一三八七年理查二世约翰·比彻姆为男爵后，男爵才成为英国贵族的正式爵位。

Roman brought the christianity to Britain.

去年的五月十日，也许是德国历史上最值得记忆的战争开始了。我们在数天之内就击溃了敌人的前锋，然后揭开了世界上最大歼灭战的序幕。法国垮了，比利时和荷兰已被攻占了，英国的远征军残部已被驱逐出欧洲大陆，拖兵曳甲，落荒而逃。 一九四零年七月十九日，相信你们大家都还记得，我为了再扩大战果。三度说服国会。我利用这次会议的机会代表全国军民对三军将士辉煌的战果致以感谢之意。 我也一再地伺机督促全世界建立和平。我的远见和预感不辛言中了，我的和平建议被误解，敌人以为我的和平跟畏缩懦怯并无两样。 欧洲和美国的好战份子，一再蛊惑大众的心灵，他们明知道没有胜利的契机，偏偏给他们民众一些会像肥皂泡沫一样破碎的新希望。然后，大众的压力，加上报社的鼓吹，那些好战份子自会一再没发引诱他们的国家作困兽之斗。 我警告他们说，我们会在人口密集的地区实施夜间爆炸，丘吉尔还把我的警告当作是德国无能的标记。这位历史上最出名的嗜血狂和业余战略家，还认为德国空军数月来不轻易露面，便是我们无法在夜间飞行的证明呢？ 所以丘吉尔这个糟老头子就一连好几个月欺蒙英国人民相信单单皇家空军——再也不需要其他的帮手——就可以打赢战争，他们还“发明”数种手段和方法要迫使我们帝国臣服，他们要美国空军毫不留情猛炸人口稠密的地区，并采取饥饿战术。 我虽然一再地警告他们，我会采取这项别开生面的空战，我一连三个月都在警告他们。可是这些警告被丘吉尔当作耳边风。奇怪？这个人怎么不爱惜别人的生命呢？他只顾那些文化和建筑？ 记得战争爆发时，丘吉尔就很明白地声称他要独行其事的作战，即使英国各大城市可能会变成一堆碎瓦残砾也在所不惜。所以他现在更变本加厉了。 我保证，当我所定的期限到时，他若给我们一个炸弹，必要时我会以一百个炸弹还击他们，可是仍无法使他了解他的行为是人神共诛的。他声称他绝不沮丧，他甚至向我们保证，不管我们如何猛烈轰炸，英国人民仍会把他列阵欢送回伦敦。 很可能就是这副欢送的景象加强了丘吉尔继续作战的决心，我们也决意继续回敬他们，也就是说，若有必要的话，将以一百个炸弹回敬他投来的一个炸弹，这样不断地爆炸，直到英国人民啐弃他的罪行和他的毒辣为止。 这个傻瓜他居然要求德国人民起来背叛我，这可证明他们如不是患了麻风病就是一群醉汉在疯言疯语。由于他的心智不正常，才会决定使巴尔干成为战争的舞台。 这个傻瓜最近五年以来，一直像疯子一样在欧洲跑跑跳跳，希望能找到可以放火的机会。很不幸的是，他却一再发现各国的吸血鬼都已在他们的国内放起火来了。 他去年冬季乱开空头支票，撒大谎，使美国民众信以为真地认为，凭德意志帝国在过去数个月的战争中不堪虚耗，现在已经奄奄一息，他也知道纸包不住火，所以他有必要在欧洲再撒一把战火。 他这个计划早在一九三九年秋和一九四零年春季就有腹案了。当时，英国的情势使他可动员一百个师左右。可是去年的五月和六月，我们目睹英军突然地严重溃败，使他这个计划胎死腹中。可是在去年的秋天，丘吉尔又想开始解决这个问题了。 由于义军坦克和反坦克武器处于明显的优势，使得北非战局逆转，丘吉尔相信现在是最好的时候了，他可以把战争的舞台从利比亚转移到希腊了。他下令运输剩余的坦克和主要由澳大利亚和新西兰兵员组成的残剩的步兵师，他自以为现在可以实现他的阴谋了，他可以使巴尔干半岛烽火燎原了。 因此，这也是丘吉尔在这次战争中所犯的最大战略错误。我一摸透英国不打算在巴尔干半岛夺取据点后，更采取了必要的步骤。 德国对这位假绅士的诡计是一阵愈加亦步亦趋，并纠集了必要的武力来打击他。德国没有意识要在巴尔干半岛开火。相反的，我们尽可能采用公平的方法，以期与希腊解决纠纷，当然，这些方法也是符合于意大利立法的希望。 意大利领袖不仅同意而且全力支持我们，努力使南斯拉夫签定符合我们和平目标的双边协定。最后，南斯拉夫政府同意加入三霸权公约，南斯拉夫不需负什么义务，只要供我们借道就够了。 所以，今年三月二十六日，我们在维也纳签约，保证南斯拉夫在未来不会被外力干涉，并保证了巴尔干半岛的和平。先生们，您们相不相信我那天离开美丽的多瑙河城市时居然充满了快乐，不仅因为他是八年外交政策的结晶，也因为我相信从这一刻起，德国也许不必再插足于巴尔干半岛了。 我们都被执政团传来的消息吓呆了，这份消息乃是有一群被收买的叛逆擅自反判，也使得那位英国首相用兴奋的证据说他第一次有好消息可以宣告全英国。 先生们，我确信您们都会了解，我一听到这份消息时，我立刻下令攻击南斯拉夫。德意志帝国绝不容许花费几年，签定了对别国政党有益的和约，却在一夕之间发现片面被毁，而且他们还侮辱了我们德意志帝国的大使，威吓了随行的军事官员，伤害了官员官邸的助理，而且还损坏了德国人的财物，把德国人民的住家夷为平地，并用恐吓来虐待无数的德国人。 上帝知道我是爱好和平的。但是感谢上帝，它赐给我可随意使用的手段来保卫德国的利益。我在当时很沉稳地下定了决心。因为我知道我是以保加利亚对我国永不动摇的忠诚来效忠德国，并发挥了匈牙利知道此事后的愤慨。 这场战役的结果很是特别。由贝尔格勒一小撮硬派份子更能造成洲际不安的这一事实看来，我们立刻铲除这个危险，有就是消除了会造成全欧洲紧张关系的祸源之一。 我们已加强防护多瑙河这条重要的水道，以防备更多的人破坏，交通也已完全畅通了。 除了适度修补由于世界大战爆发而受侵犯的前线外，德国对这些地方并不作非分的贪求。在政治方面，我们只不过有志于防护这个区域的和平，而在经济方面，我们希望能看到社会秩序的恢复，以便能补造产品并货畅其流，对大家都有利。 然而，这些利用除了要符合最高的公正外，还须考虑人种学，历史或经济的情况。 我可以向您们保证，我对我们的未来处之泰然，也极具信心。德意志帝国和他的盟国，不论在力量，军事，经济，尤其是道德方面，都比世界上任何联邦来的好。德国军队，只要有必要，不论何时都不惧怕挑战。德国人的信心应永远陪伴着他们的战士！

BERLIN, REICHSTAG SPEECH OF MAY 4, 1941 Deputies. Men of the German Reichstag: At a time when only deeds count and words are of little importance, it is not my intention to appear before you, the elected representatives of the German people, more often than absolutely necessary. The first time I spoke to you was at the outbreak of the war when, thanks to the Anglo-French conspiracy against peace, every attempt at an understanding with Poland, which otherwise would have been possible, had been frustrated. The most unscrupulous men of the present time had, as they admit today, decided as early as 1936 to involve the Reich, which in its peaceful work of reconstruction was becoming too powerful for them, in a new and bloody war and, if possible, to destroy it. They had finally succeeded in finding a State that was prepared for their interests and aims, and that State was Poland. All my endeavors to come to an understanding with Britain were wrecked by the determination of a small clique which, whether from motives of hate or for the sake of material gain, rejected every German proposal for an understanding due to their resolve, which they never concealed, to resort to war, whatever happened. The man behind this fanatical and diabolical plan to bring about war at whatever cost was Mr. Churchill. His associates were the men who now form the British Govern- ment. These endeavors received most powerful support, both openly and secretly, from the so-called great democracies on both sides of the Atlantic. At a time when the people were more and more dissatisfied with their deficient statesmanship, the responsible men over there believed that a successful war would be the most likely means of solving problems that otherwise would be beyond their power to solve. Behind these men there stood the great international Jewish financial interests that control the banks and the Stock Exchange as well as the armament industry. And now, just as before, they scented the opportunity of doing their unsavory business. And so, just as before, there was no scruple about sacrificing the blood of the peoples. That was the beginning of this war. A few weeks later the State that was the third country in Europe, Poland, but had been reckless enough to allow herself to be used for the financial interests of these warmongers, was annihilated and destroyed. In these circumstances I considered that I owed it to our German people and countless men and women in the opposite camps, who as individuals were as decent as they were innocent of blame, to make yet another appeal to the common sense and the conscience of these statesmen. On October 6, 1939, I therefore once more publicly stated that Germany had neither demanded nor intended to demand anything either from Britain or from France, that it was madness to continue the war and, above all, that the scourge of modern weapons of warfare, once they were brought into action, would inevitably ravage vast territories. But just as the appeal I made on September 1, 1939, proved to be in vain, this renewed appeal met with indignant rejection. The British and their Jewish capitalist backers could find no other explanation for this appeal, which I had made on humanitarian grounds, than the assumption of weakness on the part of Germany. They assured the people of Britain and France that Germany dreaded the clash to be expected in the spring of 1940 and was eager to make peace for fear of the annihilation that would then inevitably result. Already at that time the Norwegian Government, misled by the stubborn insistence of Mr. Churchill's false prophecies, began to toy with the idea of a British landing on their soil, thereby contributing to the destruction of Germany by permitting their harbors and Swedish iron ore fields to be seized. So sure were Mr. Churchill and Paul Reynaud of the success of their new scheme that finally, whether from sheer recklessness or perhaps under the influence of drink, they deemed it no longer necessary to make a secret of their intentions. It was thanks to these two gentlemen's tendency to gossip that the German Government at that time gained cognizance of the plans being made against the Reich. A few weeks later this danger to Germany was eliminated. One of the boldest deeds of arms in the whole history of warfare frustrated the attack of the British and French armies against the right flank of our line of defense. Immediately after the failure of these plans, increased pressure was exerted by the British warmongers upon Belgium and Holland. Now that the attack upon our sources for the supply of iron ore had proved unsuccessful, they aimed to advance the front to the Rhine by involving the Belgian and Dutch States and thus to threaten and paralyze our production centers for iron and steel. On May 10 of last year perhaps the most memorable struggle in all German history commenced. The enemy front was broken up in a few days and the stage was then set for the operation that culminated in the greatest battle of annihilation in the history of the world. Thus France collapsed, Belgium and Holland were already occupied, and the battered remnants of the British expeditionary force were driven from the European continent, leaving their arms behind. On July 19, 1940, I then convened the German Reichstag for the third time in order to render that great account which you all still remember. The meeting provided me with the opportunity of expressing the thanks of the nation to its soldiers in a form suited to the uniqueness of the event. Once again I seized the opportunity of urging the world to make peace. And what I foresaw and prophesied at that time happened. My offer of peace was misconstrued as a symptom of fear and cowardice. The European and American warmongers succeeded once again in befogging the sound common sense of the masses, who can never hope to profit from this war, by conjuring up false pictures of new hope. Thus, finally, under pressure of public opinion, as formed by their press, they once more managed to induce the nation to continue this struggle. Even my warnings against night bombings of the civilian population, as advocated by Mr. Churchill, were interpreted as a sign of German impotence. He, the most bloodthirsty or amateurish strategist that history has ever known, actually saw fit to believe that the reserve displayed for months by the German Air Force could be looked upon only as proof of their incapacity to fly by night. So this man for months ordered his paid scribblers to deceive the British people into believing that the Royal Air Force alone - and no others - was in a position to wage war in this way, and that thus ways and means had been found to force the Reich to its knees by the ruthless onslaught of the British Air Force on the German civilian population in conjunction with the starvation blockade. Again and again I uttered these warnings against this specific type of aerial warfare, and I did so for over three and a half months. That these warnings failed to impress Mr. Churchill does not surprise me in the least. For what does this man care for the lives of others? What does he care for culture or for architecture? When war broke out he stated clearly that he wanted to have his war, even though the cities of England might be reduced to ruins. So now he has got his war. My assurances that from a given moment every one of his bombs would be returned if necessary a hundredfold failed to induce this man to consider even for an instant the criminal nature of his action. He professes not to be in the least depressed and he even assures us that the British people, too, after such bombing raids, greeted him with a joyous serenity, causing him to return to London refreshed by his visits to the stricken areas. It is possible that this sight strengthened Mr. Churchill in his firm determination to continue the war in this way, and we are no less determined to continue to retaliate, if necessary, a hundred bombs for every one of his and to go on doing so until the British nation at last gets rid of this criminal and his methods. The appeal to forsake me, made to the German nation by this fool and his satellites on May Day, of all days, are only to be explained either as symptomatic of a paralytic disease or of a drunkard's ravings. His abnormal state of mind also gave birth to a decision to transform the Balkans into a theater of war. For over five years this man has been chasing around Europe like a madman in search of something that he could set on fire. Unfortunately, he again and again finds hirelings who open the gates of their country to this international incendiary. After he had succeeded in the course of the past winter in persuading the British people by a wave of false assertions and pretensions that the German Reich, exhausted by the campaign in the preceding months, was completely spent, he saw himself obliged, in order to prevent an awakening of the truth, to create a fresh conflagration in Europe. In so doing he returned to the project that had been in his mind as early as the autumn of 1939 and the spring of 1940. It was thought possible at the time to mobilize about 100 divisions in Britain's interest. The sudden collapse which we witnessed in May and June of the past year forced these plans to be abandoned for the moment. But by the autumn of last year Mr. Churchill began to tackle this problem once again. In the meantime, however, certain difficulties had arisen. As a result, Rumania, owing to internal changes, dropped out of England's political scheme. In dealing with these conditions, I shall begin by giving you a brief outline of the aims of Germany's policy in the Balkans. As in the past, the Reich never pursued any territorial or any other selfish political interest in the Balkans. In other words, the Reich has never taken the slightest interest in territorial problems and internal conditions in these States for any selfish reason whatsoever. On the other hand, the Reich has always endeavored to build up and to strengthen close economic ties with these States in particular. This, however, not only served the interests of the Reich but equally the interests of these countries themselves. If any two national economic systems ever effectively complemented one another, that is especially the case regarding the Balkan States and Germany. Germany is an industrial country and requires foodstuffs and raw materials. The Balkan States are agrarian countries and are short of these raw materials. At the same time, they require industrial products. It was therefore hardly surprising when Germany thus became the main business partner of the Balkan States. Nor was this in Germany's interest alone, but also in that of the Balkan peoples themselves. AND NONE BUT OUR JEW-RIDDEN DEMOCRACIES, WHICH CAN THINK ONLY IN TERMS OF CAPITALISM, CAN MAINTAIN THAT IF ONE STATE DELIVERS MACHINERY TO ANOTHER STATE IT THEREBY DOMINATES THAT OTHER STATE. IN ACTUAL FACT SUCH DOMINATION, IF IT OCCURS, CAN BE ONLY A RECIPROCAL DOMINATION. It is presumably easier to be without machinery than without food and raw materials. Consequently, the partner in need of raw material and foodstuffs would appear to be more tied down than the recipient of industrial products. IN THIS TRANSACTION THERE WAS NEITHER CONQUEROR NOR CONQUERED. THERE WERE ONLY PARTNERS. The German Reich of the National Socialist revolution has prided itself on being a fair and decent partner, offering in exchange high-quality products instead of worthless democratic paper money. For these reasons the Reich was interested in only one thing if, indeed, there was any question of political interest, namely, in seeing that internally the business partner was firmly established on a sound and healthy basis. THE APPLICATION OF THIS IDEA LED IN FACT NOT ONLY TO INCREASING PROSPERITY IN THESE COUNTRIES BUT ALSO TO THE BEGINNING OF MUTUAL CONFIDENCE. All the greater, however, became the endeavor of that world incendiary, Churchill, to put an end to this peaceful development and by shamelessly imposing upon these States utterly worthless British guarantees and promises of assistance to introduce into this peaceable European territory elements of unrest, uncertainty, distrust and, finally, conflict. Originally, Rumania was first won over by these guarantees and later, of course, Greece. It has, meanwhile, probably been sufficiently demonstrated that he had absolutely no power of any kind to provide real help and that these guarantees were merely intended to rope these States in to follow the dangerous trend of filthy British politics. RUMANIA HAS HAD TO PAY BITTERLY FOR THE GUARANTEES, WHICH WERE CALCULATED TO ESTRANGE HER FROM THE AXIS POWERS. Greece, which least of all required such a guarantee, was offered her share to link her destiny to that of the country that provided her King with cash and orders. EVEN TODAY I FEEL THAT I MUST, AS I BELIEVE IN THE INTEREST OF HISTORICAL ACCURACY, DISTINGUISH BETWEEN THE GREEK PEOPLE AND THAT THIN TOP LAYER OF CORRUPT LEADERS WHO, INSPIRED BY A KING WHO HAD NO EYES FOR THE DUTY OF TRUE LEADERSHIP, PREFERRED INSTEAD TO FURTHER THE AIMS OF BRITISH WAR POLITICS. To me this is a subject of profound regret. Germany, with the faint hope of still being able to contribute in some way to a solution of the problem, had not severed relations with Greece. But even then I was bound in duty to point out before the whole world that we would not tacitly allow a revival of the old Salonika scheme of the Great War. Unfortunately, my warning was not taken seriously enough. That we were determined, if the British tried to gain another foothold in Europe, to drive them back into the sea was not taken seriously enough. The result was that the British began in an increasing degree to establish bases for the formation of a new Salonika army. They began by laying out airdromes and by establishing the necessary ground organization in the firm conviction that the occupation of the airdromes themselves could afterward be carried out very speedily. Finally a continuous stream of transports brought equipment for an army which, according to Mr. Churchill's idea and plans, was to be landed in Greece. As I have said, already we were aware of this. For months we watched this entire strange procedure with attention, if with restraint. The reverses suffered by the Italian Army in North Africa, owing to a certain material inferiority of their tanks and anti-tank guns, finally led Mr. Churchill to believe that the time was ripe to transfer the theater of war from Libya to Greece. He ordered the transport of the remaining tanks and of the infantry division, composed mainly of Anzacs, and was convinced that he could now complete his scheme, which was to set the Balkans aflame. THUS DID MR. CHURCHILL COMMIT ONE OF THE GREATEST STRATEGIC BLUNDERS OF THIS WAR. As soon as there could be no further doubt regarding Britain's intentions of gaining a foothold in the Balkans, I took the necessary steps. Germany, by keeping pace with these moves, assembled the necessary forces for the purpose of counteracting any possible tricks of that gentleman. In this connection I must state categorically that this action was not directed against Greece. The Duce did not even request me to place one single German division at his disposal for this purpose. He was convinced that with the advent of good weather his stand against Greece would have been brought to a successful conclusion. I was of the same opinion. The concentration of German forces was therefore not made for the purpose of assisting the Italians against Greece. It was a precautionary measure against the British attempt under cover of the clamor caused by the Italo-Greek war to intrench themselves secretly in the Balkans in order to force the issue from that quarter on the model of the Salonika army during the World War, and, above all, to draw other elements into the whirlpool. This hope was founded principally on two States, namely, Turkey and Yugoslavia. But with these very States I have striven during the years since I came into power to establish close co-operation. The World War actually started from Belgrade. Nevertheless, the German people, who are by nature so ready to forgive and forget, felt no animosity toward that country. Turkey was our ally in the World War. The unfortunate outcome of that struggle weighed upon that country just as heavily as it did upon us. The great genius who created the new Turkey was the first to set a wonderful example of recovery to our allies whom fortune had at that time deserted and whom fate had dealt so terrible a blow. Whereas Turkey, thanks to the practical attitude of her leaders, preserved her independence in carrying out her own resolutions, Yugolsavia fell a victim to British intrigue. Most of you, especially my old Party comrades among you, know what efforts I have made to establish a straightforward understanding and indeed friendly relations between Germany and Yugoslavia. In pursuance of this aim Herr von Ribbentrop, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, submitted to the Yugoslav Government proposals that were so outstanding and so fair that at least even the Yugoslav State of that time seemed to become increasingly eager for such close co-operation. Germany had no intention of starting a war in the Balkans. On the contrary, it was our honest intention as far as possible to contribute to a settlement of the conflict with Greece by means that would be tolerable to the legitimate wishes of Italy. The Duce not only consented to but lent his full support to our efforts to bring Yugoslavia into a close community of interests with our peace aims. Thus it finally became possible to induce the Yugoslav Government to join the Threepower Pact, which made no demands whatever on Yugoslavia but only offered that country advantages. Thus on March 26 of this year a pact was signed in Vienna that offered the Yugoslav State the greatest future conceivable and could have assured peace for the Balkans. Believe me, gentlemen, on that day I left the beautiful city of the Danube truly happy not only because it seemed as though almost eight years of foreign policies had received their reward but also because I believed that perhaps at the last moment German intervention in the Balkans might not be necessary. We were all stunned by the news of that coup, carried through by a handful of bribed conspirators who had brought about the event that caused the British Prime Minister to declare in joyous words that at last he had something good to report. 写不开的，字数有限，请你到这个网址：