商务英语文章朗诵

说哪个好的话，和同学现在上课的ABC天卞口语 我觉得还是蛮.好.的 现在觉得要学好就是要多开口说!现有的专业设置一般有三种情况：1、专业为主，英语为辅：课程设置以专业课程为主，只在高年级阶段开设旨在帮助学生提高书面英语专业阅读能力的 “经贸文章选读”课程或类似与专业有关的英语阅读课程。这些课程一般课时量很少，不注重学生的口头能力的培养；、英语为主，专业为辅：以英语为主的大多数是语言类的专业，开设的涉及商务英语专业的课程也不多，学生的知识面单一，虽然英语技能很好，但专业基础欠缺；、专业和英语同时兼顾，采取这种设置的大多数都是财经类专业，尤其是国际贸易、国际金融、国际旅游、国际合作与交流等专业。我们这里所要研究的是第三种情况。目前此类专业可大致分为两类：拥有专业发展方向（如：国际贸易、国际金融、国际商法、国际合作与交流等 ）的英语专业学生，通称为国际商务英语专业；北京对外经济贸易大学、广东外语外贸大学、上海对外贸易大学、东北财经大学、西南财经大学、湖南大学等有代表性的院校都设有国际商务英语学院、系、专业，综合以上各院校所开设的课程与经济全球化人才需求特点，国际商务英语课程的开设应分为三个层次：1、基础英语课程，包括大学基础英语听、说、读、写、译、英美文化、语言文学知识等课程；、国际商务英语核心课程，包括商务英语听说、商务英语阅读、商务英语写作、商务英语翻译、国际商务文化交流等课程；、国际商务英语专业课程，根据学科的发展特点可以开设国际贸易、国际金融、国际商法、国际关系、国际旅游、国际新闻、国际投资与合作、国际市场营销等课程

一.学好语法知识 二.努力扩大词汇量. 三.坚持练习英语听力. 四.努力增加阅读量. 五.抓住一切可以练习的机会说英语. 六.额外替自己增值去（e-say） 不要谢谢我啦，哈哈哈我会不好意思的

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Could recession spread from America?萧条会从美国蔓延开来吗？“DECOUPLING” is the source of a great deal of controversy. Economists argue about whether or not emerging economies will follow America into recession. The most pessimistic claim that as economies have become more intertwined through trade and finance, this should make business cycles more synchronised, not less. The slide in emerging stock markets on Wall Street’s coat-tails appears to endorse their view. Yet recent data suggest decoupling is no myth. Indeed, it may yet save the world economy.“脱钩“是当前一个引发了相当多争议的话题。经济学家们正在就新兴经济体是否会步美国的后尘走上衰退之路辩论不休。其中最悲观的看法是随着经济体之间通过贸易与金融的结合日趋紧密，全球经济波动的周期将更趋向于同步。新兴股市紧随华尔街大幅下跌似乎印证了这一观点。但是近期的数据表明脱钩一说并非空穴来风，事实上这一进程还有望在将来挽救世界经济。Decoupling does not mean that an American recession will have no impact on developing countries. That would be daft. The point is that their GDP-growth rates will slow by much less than in previous American downturns. Most enjoyed strong growth during the fourth quarter of last year, and some speeded up, even as America’s economy ground to a virtual halt and its non-oil imports fell.如果说脱钩意味着发生在美国的萧条不会令发展中国家遭受池鱼之殃，这完全是无稽之谈。关键在于这些国家的GDP增幅受到的影响较之以往会小得多。它们之中的绝大多数去年第四季度的增长势头强劲，有一些甚至在加速增长，尽管在此同时美国经济几乎完全停滞不前，除原油以外的进口全面下降。One reason is that while exports to America have stumbled, those to other emerging economies have surged (see chart 1). China’s growth in exports to America slowed to only 5% (in dollar terms) in the year to January, but exports to Brazil, India and Russia were up by more than 60%, and those to oil exporters by 45%. Half of China’s exports now go to other emerging economies. Likewise, South Korea's exports to the United States tumbled by 20% in the year to February, but its total exports rose by 20%, thanks to trade with other developing nations.原因之一就是在对美出口步伐放缓的同时，这些国家对其他新兴经济体的出口有了长足增长.今年一月份中国对美出口的增幅仅为5%（以美元计算），但对巴西、印度和俄罗斯的出口额增加了60%以上，而对石油输出国的出口增长为45%。现在对其他新兴经济体的出口占到了中国出口总额的的半壁江山。同样，今年一到二月韩国对美出口下降了20%，但其出口总量反而增加了20%，这全要拜与其他发展中国家贸易之赐。A second supporting factor is that in many emerging markets domestic consumption and investment quickened during 2007. Their consumer spending rose almost three times as fast as in the developed world. Investment seems to be holding up even better: according to HSBC real capital spending rose by a staggering 17% in emerging economies last year, compared with only 1.2% in rich economies.第二个因素就是很多新兴市场的国内消费与投资在2007年加速了。这些国家消费支出的上扬速度几乎是发达国家的三倍，投资方面的表现则更为突出：据汇丰银行统计，去年新兴经济体实际资本支出增长率达到了惊人的17%，而在发达国家这一数字仅为1.2% 。Sceptics argue that much of this investment, especially in China, is in the export sector and so will collapse as sales to America weaken. But less than 15% of China’s investment is linked to exports. Over half is in infrastructure and property. It is not just China that is building power plants, roads and railways; a large chunk of the Gulf’spetrodollars are also being spent on gleaming skyscrapers and new airports. Mexico, Brazil and Russia have also launched big infrastructure projects that will take years to complete.对此抱有怀疑态度的人会声称这些投资中的大部分，尤其是中国的投资，集中在出口领域，结果会随着对美出口的减退化为乌有。但是实际上中国的投资中与出口相关联的不到15%。过半的资金都投在了基建与地产上面。而且不是只有中国在兴建电站、公路和铁路；海湾国家的石油美元也有很大一部分变成了光鲜的摩天楼和崭新的机场。墨西哥、巴西和俄罗斯同样上马了为期数年的大型基础建设项目。The four biggest emerging economies, which accounted for two-fifths of global GDP growth last year, are the least dependent on the United States: exports to America account for just 8% of China’s GDP, 4% of India’s, 3% of Brazil’s and 1% of Russia’s. Over 95% of China’s growth of 11.2% in the year to the fourth quarter came from domestic demand. China’s growth is widely expected to slow this year but to a still boisterous 9-10%.新兴经济体中的四强贡献了去年全球GDP增长的五分之二，而它们正是同类之中对美国依赖最小的：对美出口只占中国GDP的8%，印度GDP的3%，巴西GDP的3%和俄罗斯GDP的1%。中国去年到第四季度为止所取得的11.2%的增长中有95%以上来自于内需。普遍预期中国今年的增长势头会放慢，但仍能达到堪称活跃的9-10%。American downturns have often caused the prices of oil and other raw materials to slump, but this time China’s surging demand is propping up prices and fuelling booms in Brazil, Russia and the Middle East. Brazil’s exports jumped by 26% in the year to February. In turn, if prices stay strong, so will China’s exports to commodity-producing countries. A sharp slowdown in China would hurt them more than an American recession will.美国的经济衰退过去通常会造成原油和其他原材料价格低迷，但如今来自中国的飞速增加的需求正在拉高油价，助长了巴西、俄罗斯和中东的经济繁荣。巴西今年一至二月的出口猛增了26%。相应的，如果原料价格居高不下，中国对原材料生产国的强劲出口势头也就能保持下来。对这些国家来说，比起美国的萧条来，中国的经济急刹车造成的伤害还要严重一些。The popular argument that business cycles should become more synchronised in a globalised world rests on an out-dated impression that poor countries mainly export to rich ones. Instead, emerging economies’ trade with each other has risen faster and now accounts for over half of their total exports. Emerging markets as a group now export more to China than to the United States (see chart 2).许多人做出全球化的世界里的经济周期性波动会趋向同步这一判断，其实是基于一个过时的印象，即穷国的出口主要流向富国。实际上新兴经济体之间的贸易增长更为迅速，现在已经达到了它们总出口额的一半以上。如果把新兴市场视为一个整体，那么它对中国的出口已经超过了对美国的出口.Some contend that this mainly reflects imports of intermediate goods into China for assembly; the finished goods are then exported to America and so will be hurt by slower growth. There is some truth to this, although Asian exports to China are increasingly driven by China’s own domestic demand.有人会辩解说这主要是中国进口中间产品用于组装的体现，最后的制成品还是要销往美国，从而会受不景气的市场拖累。这在某种程度上是事实，不过亚洲的对华出口正日益为中国的内需所驱动。Another reason why globalisation and decoupling can co-exist is that opening up economies has not only boosted poor countries’ trade, it has also spurred their productivity growth and hence domestic incomes and spending.全球化与脱钩进程能并行不悖的另一个原因，就是经济上的开放在繁荣穷国的贸易的同时也促使他们提高劳动生产率，于是国民收入与消费便随之水涨船高。A severe recession in America could still have a nasty impact on the developing world if commodity prices collapsed and if it caused stockmarkets to fall more steeply, depressing global consumer and business confidence. A sharper fall in the dollar could also further squeeze emerging economies’ exports.当然，如果美国的严重衰退引发原材料价格崩盘，或是带动股市进一步暴跌打击全球消费者与投资人的信心，发展中国家肯定会损失惨重。美元加速贬值也会导致新兴经济体的出口进一步缩水。But for perhaps the first time ever, developing countries would be able to make full use of monetary and fiscal policy to cushion their economies. In the past, when they were net foreign borrowers, capital inflows tended to dry up during global downturns as foreign investors shunned risky assets. This forced governments to raise interest rates and tighten fiscal policy. Economies with large external deficits are still vulnerable, but most emerging economies now have a current-account surplus and large foreign reserves; many have a budget surplus or are close to balance, leaving ample room for a fiscal stimulus if necessary.但是，发展中国家将会得以充分利用货币与财政政策呵护他们的经济，这很可能是前所未有的。过去它们是净债务国，在全球衰退来临时外国投资者对风险资产回避会造成这些国家的资金来源枯竭，迫使它们的政府提高利率并实行紧缩财政政策。现在那些背负高额对外赤字的经济体在这方面仍然很脆弱，但是大部分新兴经济体目前都拥有经常账户盈余和巨额外汇储备；其中不少还有预算结余，或者至少收支基本相抵，这样就为在必要情况下采取财政激励政策留下了足够的空间。Perhaps the best support for decoupling comes from America itself. Fourth-quarter profits of big companies, such as Coca-Cola, IBM and DuPont, were better than expected as strong sales growth in emerging markets offset a sharp slowdown at home. Bits of American business are rising above their own economy. With luck, the world economy can rise above America’s.也许支持脱钩进程最好的实例来自美国国内。像可口可乐、IBM和杜邦这样的大公司第四季度的利润好于预期，就是以在新兴市场良好的销售势头弥补了本土市场的疲软。美国经济中的一部分已经走到了其他部分的前面。如果一切顺利的话，世界经济也将同样走到美国经济的前面。

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Political risk is highly correlated with most of the examined variables. For example, the possibility of arbitrary expropriation of the legal title to property is a political risk factor. However, political risk encompasses more than this alone, e.g., a low level of security and high levels of bribery and corruption. One notes that political risk is also highly correlated with sociocultural aspects, such as a low life expectancy at birth, a high level of illiteracy and a low level of quality of living. Clearly, in countries that promise high political risk for institutional investors, local inhabitants inevitably suffer. Arguably, there is a direct relation between political risk and these sociocultural factors: when the level of political risk is high, the level of investment will be low, given the required risk premium. Therefore, the economic situation for inhabitants of that country will be weak and will presumably remain weak, until the institutional environment is more hospitable to economic development and investment. Another interesting finding is that homeownership is too complex to function as a single index for the investment climate. The rate of homeownership appears to be highly related to the lack of an expropriation threat. While this is the case, one should be cautious in applying this result to all regions of the world. For example, one is less likely to expect expropriation in highly developed countries than in less developed countries, where the legal system is often more volatile. Of the high income countries, homeownership is highest in the English-speaking countries, where the common law tradition raises the social cost of expropriation over time. The preliminary evidence presented in this paper suggests that homeownership rates may indeed be related to the type of legal system employed. These results provide encouragement that legal institutions may be an important factor of consideration, despite being disregarded or deemed exogenous to asset pricing models for many years. Institutional risk is an integral part of the economic activity in the markets of the world. Using a number of variables, it becomes possible to apply formal international asset pricing models, in order to determine the magnitude in which legal institutions exert price effects. For example, it would be interesting to analyze the impact of political risk on the returns of institutional investors. Other variables that seem to be promising for usage in these models are security, entrepreneurship and innovation, foreign control, foreign treatment and homeownership. With further empirical testing, we may be able to understand more about the nature and impact of these institutional effects. If these findings can be generalized, this has important implications for international investors, national governments, and individual citizens. Further research is under way along these lines.政治风险与大部分被测试的变量高度相关,例如财产的合法所有权的任意没收的可能性是政治风险的因素.然而政治风险包含更多的单一的这些.例如安全度低,行贿和受贿的程度高.一个记录是政治风险也许与社会文化方面高度相关,例如低出生率,高文盲水平,低的生活质量水平.值得清楚的是,在一些国家对于公共机构的投资者允许高政治风险,而当地居民不可避免地受到损害.有争议的是,在政治风险和社会文化因素有一个直接的关系.如果考虑到要求的风险津贴,当政治风险越高,投资水平将会越低.因此.那个国家居民的经济情况将会很糟糕,可能继续糟糕直到公共机构环境更适合经济的发展和投资.另一有趣的方面是房屋所有权对于作为为了投资环境这一指数的功能来讲太复杂了.房屋所有权的比率好象与没收财产威胁的减少有高度的关联.对于这个案例,人们应用这一结果到世界所有地域时应该小心,谨慎.例如,个人在高度发达的国家比在非高度发达的国家更少担心财产没收.在非高度发达的国家里法律系统常常是更易变的.在高收入国家里,和在说英语的国家里拥有房屋所有权是最高的,因为在那样的国家里很长一段时间里普遍的法律传统提高了没收财产的社会代价.报纸上展示的最初的证据表明房屋所有权比率确实与雇佣法律系统的类型有关.这些结果对于合法的公共机构可能是考虑的一个重要因素提供了鼓励,尽管被漠视或相信外因对于多年的财产标价模型有影响.公共机构风险在世界市场里是经济活动的一个整体部分.利用大量的可变因素,使应用正式的国际财产标价模型变的有可能,从而决定量值.在这些量值里法律公共机构发挥了价格作用.例如,在公共机构投资者的回报上分析政治风险方面可能非常有趣.为了这些模型使用的其他可变因素好象正在被允许,它们是安全,企业关系,创新,国外控制,国外待遇和房屋所有权.伴随着进一步的经验主义的测试,我们可能对这些公共机构影响的本质和作用有更多地理解.如果这些能够被总结,它可能提供重要的暗示对于国际投资者,国家官员,和个体居民.进一步的研究正沿着这些路线进行着.